American foreign policy can be divided into two categories, needs and wants. The Iran-Contra Affair saw a marrying of needs and wants. They needed to have access to, or control over the oil rich resources in the Middle East and they wanted to preserve their traditional influence in Central America, despite its paucity of economic or tactical value.

American governments have not described these and similar actions as modern imperialistic pursuits, as many peoples have interpreted them, rather the rhetoric of justification employed has always cast America in the role as the 'Guardian of (Western) civilisation.' The United States' official line is always that it is 'defending its interests', 'maintaining order', 'bringing justice to bear upon injustice and misbehaviour' or 'protecting democracy and liberty'. Regardless of whether they are defending their interests in Middle Eastern oil, protecting democracy by supporting an anti-democratic, pro-American regime in Central America, or ignoring International Courts of Justice in their pursuit for 'justice' they employ rhetoric to imply some greater cause. The order that the U.S political class have traditionally maintained is, of course, a politically expedient order, a real politik order, a fictional order. This rhetoric has overwhelmingly become a thin veil for the muscular and rapacious American state, a state comprised of all the hypocrisies one might expect in a country run by special interests, populism, and lobby groups. The order that is being 'maintained' is the one that they feel they have a mandate to choose and bring, even if the peoples to whom it brings 'order' do not necessarily want America's order.

The Iran-Contra affair is one that is full of contradictions, hypocrisy, corruption and rhetoric claiming the opposite to actual actions. The creation and use of organisations titled 'The National Endowment for the Preservation of Liberty' (NEPL), or the 'Institution for Democracy, Education and Assistance' (IDEA) 'non-profit', 'tax-free' organisations dedicated to the education of the general public all illustrate the hypocrisy and cynicism of North and his associates. These organisations where not in the least bit interested in anything their titles suggested. NEPL and IDEA were both created in 1984, NEPL by Carl R Channell and IDEA by Robert W Owen, men that Oliver North brought on board in order to avoid direct involvement of government agents or agencies. These organisations worked as agencies to raise and divert funds for the covert activity in the Contras after the passing of the Boland Amendment. Owen's organisation worked in conjunction with other phoney organisations that North and others had devised in order to indirectly control funds that government bodies donated. Channell's organisation, NEPL, held fundraising dinners for rich people to attend, to learn more about the situation in the Contras and donate large sums of money to the 'cause'. As the Congressional report found; certain NSC staff members, using the prestige of the White House and the promise of meetings with the President, helped raise private donations. Oliver North personally addressed the groups, occasionally President Reagan 'dropped by' to give a brief speech or have photos with the people. North personally sent letters of thanks to the contributors, one began as such: "During 1985, the hope of freedom and democracy in Nicaragua was kept alive with the help of the National Endowment for the Preservation of Liberty and fine American such as you. Because you cared, the spark of liberty still glows in the darkness of Nicaragua." The rich individuals that donated to the organisations established by Channell and his colleagues believed that they were empowering and helping the poor, repressed Nicaraguans. These people did not realise that they were in fact lining the pockets of the fundraisers and financing a covert war against a country that had nothing to threaten them with, other than the threat of a Government that the Reagan Administration did not endorse.

North and his associates were running 'charities' in the tradition of political fundraisers, to fund activities in Nicaragua which contradict not only UN principles, U.S. popular opinion and much reasoned comment, but also the very action of his own senate, and this with the apparent support of President Reagan. This fact, which cuts to the very core of what we consider to be democratic accountability, should have become an issue to be debated in talk shows and the media. In tacitly accepting North's activities the American press, (and subsequently, courts and people) were allowing the President of the U.S.A. to formulate and enact policy without the support or knowledge of the legislative body.

North and his associates firmly believed that they were doing something for the greater good of America. The euphemistic expression, 'the hope of freedom and democracy' is somewhat disturbing and misleading, considering the Contra guerillas were trying to overthrow the democratically elected government. It does however, give us a good insight into the mentality of the people involved and the power of rhetoric. The NEPL raised funds and in conjunction with other organisations, such as the Office for Public Diplomacy for Latin America and the Caribbean (S/LPD) conducted 'white propaganda' in America. A 'public diplomacy' program established to promote the President's Central American policy and 'educate' people about the trials of the Contra guerrillas and the wrongfulness of the Sandinista regime. The Government knew that by law these operations could not be coordinated by the State Department, so the NSC established an inter-agency group to conduct these programs. Appropriated funds may not be used to generate propaganda "designed to influence a Member of Congress;" and by law, as interpreted by the Office of the Comptroller General, appropriated funds may not be used by the State Department for ''covert" propaganda activities. A GAO report concluded that S/LPD's white propaganda activities violated the ban of arranging "covert propaganda." However, all of this was part of the process of following the Presidents wish to 'keep the Contras together, body and soul.' Maintaining public support and aid for the Nicaraguan Contras was of utmost importance to the Reagan Administration. Ultimately however, President Reagan is culpable, if not through direct intent and action, then through setting up structures and boards with such huge powers that they could contravene the legislative policy of congress without his knowledge. It is the President's responsibility to know what his Administration is doing.

References
Noam Chomsky Deterring Democracy Vintage, London 1992 p4
Edward W Said Culture and Imperialism Vintage London 1994 p344, 347
Theodore Draper A Very Thin Line: The Iran-Contra Affair Hill and Wang, New York 1991 p46-49, 55, 68
Lee Hamilton & Daniel Inouye Report of the Congressional Committees investigating the IRAN-CONTRA AFFAIR Washington 1987 p5-6